Asceticism and ascetic practices seem to suffer from
a bad reputation in contemporary understanding. Modern stances about
the preponderance of the mind as the element truly characterizing our
identity as human beings, and a radically scientific approach to the
body, have created a sort of irreconcilable dualism in the
understanding of ourselves. In this kind of cultural environment, if we
think about the generic expression human body, the notion that
may instinctively arise in our minds is of an image somehow resembling
a picture in a medical book: an organism, namely a set of biologically
constituted parts that work together in virtue of a series of
mechanical processes. A failure in one of these processes may result in
disease or even death.
Healing thus means nothing more than fixing that
bodily failure, the same way a mechanic may fix a broken engine. This
idea of the body is analytical, the various organs are seen as
semi-independent entities, and often the dysfunction of one part of the
body is considered to be unrelated to the others. This basic stance has
shaped the attitude of men and women toward their own bodies in the
last two centuries. Still, the body is something that must be nurtured
for one's own good. It must be healthy because otherwise the spirit
residing in it would not be able to move or act according to its
desires. It must be kept in fine condition because a dirty or badly
maintained body may represent a major obstacle to social relationships.
In short, the body must be treated with care in order to employ it at its best, to fulfill the spirit's desires.1 What we were not taught to think is that we are
our bodies. The underlying assumption is that being a human being means
something different from being merely a body, and more precisely it
means to be something more than a body. If something more than
the merely physical exists in the human being, that thing is implicitly
supposed to be subtle, transcendental to its mere physical reality. The
realm of the spirit is thus conceived of as having a parallel but
clearly distinct ontology, because to the soul is advocated a set of
durative qualities that the body seems to lack: perfection, purity, and
permanency.
When the two terms are juxtaposed in the common expression body and soul,
indeed, the feeling is that the phrase is trying to reconcile two
opposites, two natural enemies. Something good for body and soul seems
to be meant as something good for all the possible manifestations of
the human being in a hierarchical, vertical order, from the lowest to
the highest.
If we try to understand the figure of the
ascetic practitioner using merely these conceptual tools, the only
result is the image of a religious person aimed at nothing but a
complete and destructive self-denial. Let us think for a moment about
the following definition of asceticism:
A variety of austere practices
involving the renunciation or denial of ordinary bodily and sensual
gratifications. These may include fasting, meditation, a life of
solitude, the renunciation of possession, denial of sexual
gratification, and, in the extreme, the mortification of the flesh.2
This sort of assumption of self-destruction seems to
make any understanding of ascetic practices as beneficial to health
utterly impossible. In fact, it is remarkable how a deeper and
less-modern-biased analysis of the actual activities and beliefs of
ascetic practitioners, pertaining to both Western and Eastern cultural
environments, sharply contradicts this preliminary view. For example,
Christian ascetics, such as Anthony3 and Catherine of Siena,4
were noted among their contemporaries exactly because of their capacity
for remaining healthy and strong in spite of their ascetic efforts. On
the same account, Taoist masters strove for a perfect and immortal body
by employing a wide range of dangerous and physically demanding
techniques.5
There seems then to be a certain continuity in the
activities of ascetic practitioners that stems from a different
understanding of one's body. The basic paradigm underlying this theme
seems to be close to this equation: If the proper use of the body can
benefit spiritual qualities, then the opposite must also be true. In
other words, successful ascetic efforts should be beneficial for body
and spirit at the same time, because these two entities are bound in a
nondualistic and reciprocally synergetic way. In this sense it is thus
not surprising to understand ascetic activities as beneficial to
health, and indeed as a most natural effect of the proper training of
one's body.
In Japan this form of understanding of one's physicality, and of the effect that ascetic activities--generally termed as shugyo--can
have on one's bodily integrity and health, is so natural as to be
almost at the point of being taken for granted. During my field
research I had the opportunity to talk to a wide number of
practitioners while sharing their practices with them, and I could not
help noticing how the issue of health is one of the most recurring
motivations urging even ordinary people to undertake ascetic exercises.
One of the most common examples of popular asceticism is the suigyo practices (sometimes also called kangyo--cold-water ablutions) undertaken by various devotee groups from a variety of denominations, such as Ontake gyoja, yamabushi, and groups gathering on the occasions of matsuri (festivals) and other collective celebrations, such as kagura
(sacred music and dance) performances. In all of these cases, the
etiology of the practice seems to follow closely the equation outlined
above. The first effect of cold-water ablutions is to cleanse the body
to both the physical and the more subtle levels, forcing the body
itself to respond by tapping into unknown resources. As one of my
interviewees put it: "The body reacts to that, you feel warmth coming
from the inside of your body. After a few minutes it is not cold
anymore!"
A potentially destructive action thus results
in a positive outcome for the practitioner's body and health. The wish
of many practitioners to increase the physical strain on their bodies
by employing stricter and stricter forms of practice must then not be
attributed to an irrational indulgence in pain but rather to a
conscious strategy aimed at reaching the full of each individual's
bodily potential. As someone remarked to me enthusiatically: "You see,
this cold cleanses you, can you feel it?" while two nearby
acquaintances were merrily discussing the fact that "it's cold, it's
cold, isn't it?", "Yes it is! But the colder the better," and then
burst into laughter that hinted at a sort of unexpressed mutual
understanding.
Health is central to other, and far more demanding, ascetic efforts as well. One particular case, the kaihogyo
practice of Tendai monks, seems to be so harsh and extreme that, at
first glance, it appears to constitute a sort of exception to the
beneficial tendencies and intentions we have discussed so far. The
well-known sennichi kaihogyo mainly consists of one thousand
days of walking practice on a route encircling Mount Hiei and
occasionally including part of Kyoto. In order to fulfill the practice,
the gyoja has to walk from forty to eighty kilometers per day,
and by the end of the practice period, which usually lasts seven years,
he would have walked more than forty thousand kilometers.
However, as demanding as it may seem, the
walking practice does not represent the highest peak in the physical
exertion of the ascetic. The climax of the effort is marked by a
prolonged period of abstention from food, water, and sleep known as doiri.
The figures concerned with this extreme ascetic practice are stunning
in themselves: nine days without any food, sleep, or rest, and even
more impressive, without a single drop of water. Only from the fifth
day is the gyoja permitted to rinse his mouth with a cup of
water once per day. Not a single drop may be swallowed, however, and
all the liquid must be spat back into the cup. The gyoja should also recite the Fudo Myoo mantra6
a total of one million times throughout the nine days, which
practically means an uninterrupted recitation all the time, adding also
a complete recitation of the Lotus Sutra once a day.7
Practitioners say that this is a good
exercise for maintaining concentration and staying awake, but I think
that it also must require an unimaginable effort. Lastly, every day at
2:00 a.m. the gyoja is required to perform the shusui,
the water-taking ritual at the Aka well, consisting of taking a bucket
of water from a nearby well and then offering it to the statue of Fudo
inside the Myoo-do. The Aka well is no more than two hundred meters
from the Myoo-do, so on the first days the trip takes only a few
minutes. However, as the prostration of the gyoja grows, the task requires a longer time to be performed, up to almost an hour in the final days.8 On the ninth day, when the gyoja is literally on the brink of death, the fast ends and the gyoja receives a medicinal herb tea called ho-no-yu and an official document of completion from Enryakuji. The doiri is over, and the gyoja is granted the title of togyoman ajari, the "master [Sanskrit, acarya] who has fulfilled the practice."
In my work with ascetics in Japan I never
encountered anything more exhausting and potentially dangerous for
one's health than the doiri, and it is hard to comprehend how
such a distressing experience may have any positive influence on one's
health. The words of the ajari about his experience, however, seem to give us a completely different picture. The longer the doiri continues, we are told, the more the ascetic's perception becomes clearer. During the last part of the doiri,
as all the practitioners report, the sensations of the body are
enormously enhanced and they become able to hear the most feeble
sounds, such as the falling of the ashes from an incense stick located
at the other side of the hall.9
Self-awareness is enhanced, and the gyoja
becomes aware of the physiological processes in the body. The
progressive cleansing brings stability to the already highly tested
body of the gyoja, while the water he periodically uses to
rinse his mouth, initially brownish-red, as time passes becomes clearer
and clearer until it is "as clear as pure water."10 After nine days of total fasting, the gyoja is radically transformed but not annihilated. The general impression that all the gyoja
report is that everything completely left them; good and bad are now
meaningless, and their perception of reality is absolutely clear.11
Accounts such as these seem to subvert once again
the "modern" thinking underlying the contemporary understanding of body
and health vis-a-vis physical exertion. Neurological and physiological
interpretation will probably attribute the mutated awareness of the gyoja
to neurological dysfunction caused by prolonged fasting. However, this
is but one strategy of interpretation of the phenomenon and nothing
more than a choice among a variety of possibilities of
self-understanding. In contexts where the boundaries between body and
mind are blurred and of reciprocal influence, the effects and
consequences of pain and physical toil are subject to a much wider
spectrum of possible interpretations.
In my own experience, fellow practitioners reminded me often of the beneficial effects of shugyo
practice carried on in the proper way. Walking in the mountains with
continuous awareness of the position of one's feet, legs, joints, and
back, for instance, improves balance and concentration. Sitting in zazen
maintaining the proper posture, while concentrating on one's breathing
pattern, sets the practitioner's mind and body in harmonious
continuity. The list of examples could go on, but in all cases we have
to notice how body and mind are taken into account as a unity rather
than as two separate--and perhaps antagonistic--entities.
And the second element we can notice is that
always the ascetic practice is supposed to be carried on in the proper
way. The term proper suggests a certain degree of ascetic orthodoxy,
which indeed constitutes the significance of the practice as a strongly
motivated, voluntary effort. Asceticism is then not an irrational urge
for self-destruction but a consciously and systematically planned
strategy to improve one's body and mind conditions inside a framework
wherein mental health and bodily health are mutually dependent.
It is my hope that the fruitful interaction
between different cultures can in the future bring back some of this
holistic understanding of ourselves. The contributions of modern
science to human health have certainly been extraordinary, but the
results obtained should not prevent us from reexamining our traditions
in search of answers to still open questions. In particular, the
balance and relationship between mental and physical health should be
reevaluated in order to provide efficacious responses to many issues,
such as stress and depression, that seem to plague our otherwise
well-fed and bodily healthy societies.
Notes
1. Mary G. Winkler and Letha B. Cole,
The Good Body: Asceticism in Contemporary Culture (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994).
2.
The Cambridge Encyclopedia (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990), p. 75.
3. Athanasius of Alexandria,
The Life of Antony: The Coptic Life and the Greek Life (Kalamazoo, Mich.: Cistercian Publications, 2003).
4. Rudolph M. Bell,
Holy Anorexia (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985).
5. Livia Kohn and Yoshinobu Sakade,
Taoist Meditation and Longevity Techniques (Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 1989).
6. John Stevens,
The Marathon Monks of Mount Hiei (Boston: Shambhala Publications, 1988), p. 72.
8.
The practitioner, however, is not alone in his effort. During the whole
period of nine days, he has numerous assistants who help him to stay
awake and to carry the bucket to and from the well. See the video
footage from Keikichi Tabata,
Yomigaeru Toto (1979).
9. Nobuya Wazaki,
Ajari Tanjo: Hieizan Sennichi kaihogyo, Aru gyoja no Hansei (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1979), p. 189.
10. Stevens,
Marathon Monks, pp. 75-76.
11. Wazaki,
Ajari Tanjo, pp. 190-92.
Tullio Lobetti graduated
with a degree in Japanese language and literature from the University
of Turin in 2003. He then pursued his interest in the study of
religions in Japan by obtaining an MA degree in Japanese religion from
the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of
London, in 2004. In the same year he started his PhD research at SOAS
on "Body and Ascetic Practices in Contemporary Japanese Religious
Context." He is now a teaching fellow in the Department of the Study of
Religions at SOAS.
This article was originally published in the April-June 2009 issue of Dharma World.
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