Mount Chokai dominates the northwestern border of Yamagata
Prefecture, one end of a chain of mountains that embraces the Shonai
plain. Farmers who grow rice in the fertile fields at its foot have for
centuries regarded it as a sacred mountain where gods (kami)
dwell. Until around 1869, when government legislation forced religious
institutions to make a clear distinction between Buddhism and Shinto,
the mountain was under the jurisdiction of a number of communities of shugenja, or yamabushi,
adherents of Shugendo, who performed rituals on behalf of pilgrims and
guided them in season to the summit. Because Shugendo was characterized
by an admixture of Buddhist and Shinto elements, yamabushi were
forced by the legislation, in the course of the 1870s, to make a
decision whether to become fully ordained Buddhist priests or Shinto
priests, or to give up their calling altogether. It was not easy to
survive in those difficult times, and only a minority remained priests;
those who did preferred to maintain association with their traditional
sites, most of which the government decreed to be Shinto, since they
were connected with sacred mountains that were generally deemed to be
the abode of the kami, and thus Shinto. Temples became shrines
or were demolished, and whole communities elected to affiliate
themselves to the newly designated shrines by choosing to have Shinto
rather than Buddhist funerals.
Below Mount Chokai, on its southern slopes, are two small, today
rather sleepy towns, Fukura and Warabioka. In the middle of the
nineteenth century though, they were thriving yamabushi settlements at the base of the two main trails from the south to the summit, with clusters of pilgrim lodgings run by yamabushi
nestling close to shrine-temple complexes dedicated to the gods of the
mountain. Today, nearly 140 years later, very few people remember the
Shugendo past, yet in both places fleeting memories remain,
particularly in the spring festivals performed in May. These festivals
are also fascinating because they clearly retain the traditional
pattern of organization based on parishioner groups rather than being
dominated by priests and religious organizations. And although the two
towns are less than twenty minutes' drive from each other, their
festivals are uniquely different. I spent four days in the area in May
2007 and attended both festivals. They are not tourist spectacles but
community celebrations, providing the local people with a focus for
rites of passage, particularly for children and youths, farmers,
fishermen, and shopkeepers in the locality to pray for prosperity in
the coming year.
Climbing to the Heavens
Warabioka is a tiny village built on a lower ridge of Mount
Chokai overlooking the green plains below. In the past, nearly all of
its inhabitants were yamabushi, and even today a large number
of houses, mainly strung along the single road that runs in front of
the original shrine-temple complex, retain the traditional architecture
of pilgrim lodgings called shukubo, with large gates and high
sloping thatched roofs. The most important of these are called
"----'in," a temple designation adopted by yamabushi in the
past. Interestingly, most of the local people have no idea that this
has any religious significance and think it is simply a "store name"
used by prominent merchant families. May 2, the day before the
festival, is very busy for the men of Warabioka, who congregate in the
village hall to make the necessary preparations. The most important of
these is the long decorated pole called the bonden. In the
past, women played only an indirect role in festivals; in some places,
they were not even allowed to participate. My friend Kanda-san and I
were adopted as honorary males for the occasion and were welcomed to
join the men as they prepared the festival apparatus and offerings,
attended a dedicatory service conducted by a shrine priest, and then
had a celebratory meal with a great deal of sake. The only other women
stayed in the small kitchen to organize the food and drink.
The bonden is without question the centerpiece of the
festival ritual. Directions for its design and decoration are passed
down among the men of Warabioka from year to year. It consists of a
long double-bamboo pole to which long white paper streamers are
attached at the top. The green bamboos are tied together with rope, and
the top two-thirds are covered with white and red cloth, tied in place
with white cloth strips and straw cord. The top one-third is further
decorated with a multiple layering of hanging white and red cloth, with
a rich brocade overlay, on top of which is attached a long tuft of
black horsehair. When the bonden is stood upright, this portion
is normally hidden. A triangular white fan with a red sun symbol is
placed at the very top, above the mass of paper streamers. This
decoration is a representation of both male and female elements; its
overall shape suggests the male symbol, while the (usually hidden) top
section is the female (made apparent particularly through the
horsehair). Such male-female symbolism is widespread in Shugendo
rituals, and the bonden represents such a survival. But the symbolism of the bonden
does not stop there. As we will see in the course of the festival, it
is also a cosmic tree, a device by means of which the gods may descend
to the ritual site and by which a human being (perhaps a shaman in the
past) can penetrate the heavens.
Early next morning, the bonden is carried outside and erected
at the entrance of the hall. Meanwhile, the young men of the village
begin gathering in the gatehouse of the residence of the former
headman, where they change into their festival gear and down large
amounts of sake. Three of the youths have been designated pole
climbers, but only one will actually climb to the top of the bonden
after it has been dragged along the road to stand in front of the
shrine gate, in what is the central rite of the whole festival. Their
status has already been confirmed in a rite performed earlier that
morning in the community hall, in the presence of the mountain kami
(Gongen-sama) in the form of a lion, which dances its blessing on the
occasion and purifies the participants. The youths wear a short
indigo-colored kimono tied with straw rope, white split-toe socks (jikatabi)
and straw sandals, with blue and white striped leggings, and a white
headband. When all are ready, they erupt out of the gatehouse into the
street and make their raucous way, scuffling rather like rugby players
in a scrum, bursting wildly in all directions. They are contained by a
number of officials carrying long sticks to keep them in order.
Everyone is in the best of spirits. A middle-aged man told me that when
he was young it was quite usual for there to be a number of injuries
among participants, and being injured was considered a matter of pride.
In the more safety-conscious present, though, the police have requested
restraint, so while the boisterousness continues, it is controlled.
Once the youths arrive at the community hall, six or more ropes are attached to the bonden
and it is dragged along the road, precariously balanced in an upright
position, supported by men holding long sticks. It is not easy to
balance the bonden, as it has no external support such as a
trolley to aid the transport. But though it tipped dangerously at
times, it was not allowed to fall. When the group arrived at the bottom
of the steps to the shrine, they came to a stop, and those holding the
ropes tightened them, while a number of men took hold of the base to
steady it. Then without warning, one of the youths swarmed to the top,
pulling himself up by means of the rope and cloth ties around the trunk
of the bonden. This accomplished, the bonden was dragged
along again, under the shrine gate and up the stone steps to the area
in front of the main shrine building. There it was inserted in a wide
round hole that had been dug in preparation, and twirled rapidly
clockwise and then counterclockwise by men holding the ends of the
ropes, rather like a whirling maypole.
The various rituals involving the bonden have many points in common with the hashiramatsu
(pillar-pine) rites that used to be performed all over Japan. In their
simplest form, they consisted of two tall brushwood pillars topped with
white zigzag streamers (gohei) that were set alight in order to perform divination regarding the year's harvest. Such rites were almost always performed by yamabushi. For example, at Mount Hiko in Kyushu, a yamabushi would climb the pillar, set fire to the gohei, and then cut it off with his sword. Like the saito goma (outdoor goma
ritual) of Mount Haguro nearby, fire signified purification of the
senses by consuming the passions; villagers, however, may have seen it
as a way of subduing the potentially malevolent spirits that were
believed to reside in the mountains. And yet, perhaps we can discern an
even earlier form in the Warabioka rite, one that does not incorporate
fire. Records, again from Mount Hiko, mention that a single tall pillar
surmounted with a gohei would be set up at the beginning of a festival. At its conclusion a yamabushi would shinny up and cut off the gohei, without, however, setting it alight. This signified the descent of the kami through the pillar at the beginning of the festival and the send-off of the kami at the end. A further layer of meaning is suggested by the rite of bonden-taoshi performed at the beginning of the Autumn Peak (Akinomine) ritual at Haguro. A bonden
of similar shape, but undecorated, has an important phallic meaning; it
is rotated three times in three cycles and then thrown up the steps of
the temple. This is interpreted as the moment the reborn souls of the yamabushi
are conceived, just before they enter the womb of the mountain, where
they undergo training that symbolizes ascent through the realms of
enlightenment. Another yamabushi dimension is suggested by the possibility of interpreting the physical action of climbing the pole as a kind of gen-kurabe,
a test of physical and spiritual strength. At Warabioka, people cannot
now explain the meaning of the pole climbing and tend to interpret it
simply as confirmation, if successful, of a good harvest that year.
Nevertheless, memories of the villages's Shugendo past are there for
those who have the knowledge to recognize them.
The Warabioka festival concludes with a series of sacred kagura
dances performed by different age-groups--lower primary school, middle
primary school, youths, and adults. Formerly only boys could perform,
but in recent years the falling numbers of children in general have
opened the way for girls to be included, though so far this has
occurred only in the youngest age bracket.
Fish and Flowers
Fukura is a small market town and port on the southwestern side of Mount Chokai, and here the kami
of the mountain, Omonoimi no mikoto, is regarded as a protector,
particularly of fishermen and shopkeepers. Fukura was the site of an
important Shugendo shrine-temple complex until 1868, but today there is
very little left of the section of the town where the yamabushi
used to have their residences. Here, too, the Shugendo past has been
erased, yet it continues to live within festival rituals. The Fukura
festival is on a much larger scale than Warabioka's and in form follows
a standard series of rituals, centered on dedication, procession, and kagura
dances. Of particular interest is the existence of rituals that focus
on the lay management of the festival, although it takes place
completely within a shrine context. In particular, there is a ceremony
held on the eve of the festival, May 4, where the responsibility of
managing the festival is handed over from the person organizing the
current event to the person doing the next year's. Shrine priests make
offerings, and then a lion dance is performed to purify the laymen
concerned. It is structurally very similar to the dedication ceremony
performed at Warabioka the previous day.
That same evening another important rite takes place, an outdoor kagura
performance by men wearing elaborate hats decorated with real flowers.
The dance is slow and circular. At its conclusion, spectators scramble
to secure flowers from the hats. This is a form of spiritual souvenir,
but it is probably more accurate to regard the flowers as representing
the god of the mountain, brought down by means of the flowers. In this
sense, by taking one home, a person has divine protection. The
identification of flowers with the god also has Shugendo connotations:
the Spring Peak ritual was known in a number of places as the
"Flower-Gathering Peak" (Hanaku no Mine). At this time, yamabushi
would go into the mountains and bring flowers and grasses back to the
shrine-temple. This symbolized the descent of the god of the mountain
down to the plains in spring to become the god of the rice paddies.
The chief event on May 5 is the procession, whose long route covers most of the town. Besides the usual mikoshi
(portable shrine), there are two distinctive types of participation:
young children carrying elaborate flower arrangements or carrying a mikoshi-type
fishing-boat model. The participation of young children is centered on
three-, five-, and seven-year-olds, so again we can see the festival as
a rite of passage.
The fishing-boat mikoshi attests
to the close ties Fukura has with the fishing industry. At the end of
the procession, just as the boat was about to reenter the shrine gate,
it stopped, and fish began flying through the air. People vied to catch
them, as if receiving a charm in the form of the bounty of the sea.
Modernity, though, had again made its presence felt, since the fish
raining down on the enthusiastic crowd were frozen and prepacked.
The final portion of the festival was, as at Warabioka, a kagura performance of a distinctive type of dance called bangaku.
The final dance was performed by men wearing hats brightly decorated
with red paper flowers. To acquire one of these flowers was the object
of many of those who had come to watch, and the competition was so
rough that shrine officials divided us, letting only a limited number
of people into the roped-off area near the stage. These were the
hardcore "collectors," who knew from past experience the best place to
stand to catch flowers or to pull them off discarded hats. Luckily I
was adopted by a couple of veterans and stood with them in a favorable
place. Still, when the moment came when the hats were thrown into the
crowd, the pushing and shoving was severe. Nevertheless, I acquired a
flower, which I brought back to Tokyo as a souvenir of my journey.
Perhaps I, too, was taking one of the gods of Mount Chokai back to the
city.
Gaynor Sekimori graduated in Oriental studies from
the Australian National University in Canberra. She received her
doctorate from the University of Cambridge in 2000. A translator of
Buddhist works, she is presently managing editor of the International Journal of Asian Studies
(Cambridge University Press). A specialist in the history of Japanese
religion, with a particular interest in Shugendo, she was ordained at
Mount Haguro in 2005.
This article was originally published in the April-June 2008 issue of Dharma World.